January 12 2024

Why has no-one called  the subpostmasters whistleblowers?

My GRIP article here –

The victims of the UK Post Office scandal are whistleblowers – and should be recognised as such

The full article is below –

The UK Post Office subpostmasters have been called many things over the years:

• thieves, crooks and fraudsters (often garnished with appalling racial epithets) by Post Office investigators and managers;
• victims by those campaigning for them, including MPs;
• heroes by some; and
• the “skint little people” by the dramatist, Gwyneth Hughes, telling their story in the recent TV drama.

But the one thing they have not been called, surprisingly because this is what they indubitably were, is “whistleblowers”.

Why has no one called them this? They did not call themselves that. They did not send an email marked “Whistleblowing”. They did not refer to any internal policy or press a button on the corporate website marked “Making a Whistleblowing Report” (even assuming the Post Office had such a procedure).

They weren’t even Post Office employees. But the substance of what they did was to blow the whistle on a flawed accounting system. And, subsequently, on flawed, badly understood contracts (see the March 2019 Bates Common Issues judgment) and the behavior of its internal investigators and lawyers, whose conduct is currently being reviewed by the Williams Inquiry.

It is all too easy for organisations, focused on drafting whistleblowing procedures, to forget what whistleblowing is for.

It is the substance of the message which is what makes something a whistleblowing. Not the how of its communication or the status of the messenger. If someone is telling you that something is – or may be – wrong, then rather than worry about how to categorize them, or what legal arguments you can use to justify ignoring them, you need to listen, investigate and not go after the messenger.

It is the difference between taking a “tick-the-box / does this fit the procedure?” approach and understanding what the point of whistleblowing is and why it matters.

The Post Office did not treat the subpostmasters as whistleblowers because this would have required it to accept that there was something which needed investigating – and doing so properly. It would also have made it impossible for it to demand the money it wanted. But at some more fundamental level it simply did not recognise that this was what was happening.

This is not surprising. It is all too easy for organizations, focused on drafting whistleblowing or, as they are often now called, “Speak Up” procedures, on understanding the finer points of the latest EU Whistleblowing Directive, if they have operations within the EU, or regulatory requirements or the precise remit of the Public Interest Disclosure Act 1998 to forget what whistleblowing is for.

It is not meant to be an intellectual legal categorization exercise for employment lawyers or HR personnel. Too often it devolves into an assessment of whether an individual has brought themselves within scope of the relevant law and what legal arguments might be used against them to protect the organization from an employment claim and the payment of damages.

Nor is it meant to be another process or procedure to be proudly displayed to one’s regulator or talked about in the Annual Report, a token of how “transparent” and “compliant” the organisation likes to present itself as being.

One of the hardest things for organizations – especially large ones – to do is see what is really going on in their organization. Partly it is because there is so much information and, paradoxically, despite its quantity it can too often be silo’ed. But partly it is because the information collected or focused on is about what is going well: profits made, targets met, new customers, new contracts etc …

But what you also need to know is what is not going well: complaints, demands for information from regulators or other outside bodies, legal actions, internal investigations, disciplinaries, grievances, reasons for departures, system problems, faults, monitoring reports, whistleblowing claims and so on. All of these are signs that the organization’s health is not what it should be.

Whistleblowing reports do not always come neatly packaged as such. The person raising an issue may not even realise that that is what they are doing. They may only have part of the picture, or get some of it wrong, or not understand the implications. Or miss out key facts which can only be teased out when they are spoken to. They may do so for self-interested reasons.

But none of that really matters. A concern raised – in whatever context – is a warning that something is or may be going wrong. It is a chance to look at it properly before it becomes a crisis to be managed. It is something to be welcomed because it tells you something that you might not otherwise have spotted. Or it helps you connect seemingly random bits of information and understand what that tells you.

Who tells you and what their motives may be are less important than what they are telling you, certainly until you have investigated and established the facts in a robust and reliable manner.

What organizations need is the skill to realize that they are being given clues needing proper investigation. And the sense to realise that this – proper investigation and resolution of the concerns raised – is the point of having all these procedures, processes, policies, training, Whistleblowing Champions and the rest.

Those subpostmasters were whistleblowers. It is a mark of how poorly understood the importance and purpose of whistleblowing is that it has taken two decades after the first whistleblowing legislation, passed at around the same time the Horizon scandal started, ironically enough, for their concerns to start being properly understood and addressed.

Photo: author’s own.

January 11 2024

The announcement of a law to overturn the subpostmasters’ convictions has provoked some concern amongst m’learned friends, on constitutional grounds. Are these concerns valid? Why is the government in this position?

The Dilemma

If every convicted subpostmaster in the last 25 years applied to the Criminal Cases Review Commission (“CCRC“) to have their convictions reviewed and referred to the Court of Appeal, even if they started tomorrow, it would taken an inordinately long time to deal with them (even if the Post Office did not object, which it has been doing for some). Many subpostmasters would likely die before their cases are heard; their lives would still be blighted in the meanwhile. They would have to wait for the convictions to be quashed before getting compensation. Some may simply refuse to get involved with the justice system. Who can blame them, given their experiences thus far.

There are other questions too. Who pays the costs? What about those who pleaded guilty because they were bullied into it? What about those who have died? Or those who paid money they did not owe in order to avoid prosecution? Do they get the money extorted from them under false pretences repaid?

This matter has lasted a quarter of a century. It is unconscionable to drag it out still longer. Speed is essential if justice is to be done. And it is justice which is needed now – not endless legal arguments.

Could there be a mass appeal via the normal legal process? Possibly. But would it be any quicker? Where are the resources to do it?

Unprecedented?

The main concern has been the worry about setting a precedent: the executive and legislature should not interfere with the judicial process. If these convictions are overturned by Parliamentary fiat, what is to stop a future unscrupulous PM using a large Parliamentary majority to absolve friends rightly convicted? The boundaries between the executive, legislature and judiciary are important ones. It is not daft to worry about a rush to breach them. They exist for good reasons.

But.

The legal system

A touch of humility from the legal fraternity is needed. More than a touch, in fact. This miscarriage is in large part due to multiple failings over years by lawyers and the legal process, starting with the Law Commission (which recommended the computer law change – explained here and here),via investigators, in-house prosecutors, members of the external Bar, defence lawyers, judges, those supervising or reviewing or even noticing the activities of those bodies with statutory prosecution powers (was anyone doing this? A question for the Ministry of Justice, perhaps), the CPS (to the extent it was involved), the lawyers responsible for non-disclosure, those who failed to blow the whistle (in breach of their professional duties and those owed to the courts), those advising the Post Office’s Board on its corporate law obligations, those relating to prosecutions and civil litigation and those owed to the Williams Inquiry and ending with the judiciary which did nothing about a senior retired Law Lord advising on how to get rid of the judge hearing the Bates litigation for no reason other than the Post Office’s annoyance at not getting its own way.

The legal system does not come out of this story well, however much praise is now due to those lawyers who have worked tirelessly to expose the scandal and help its victims. It is, frankly, a bit much for it to ignore all this in the rush to preserve constitutional proprieties. Doing right is what is needed now, followed by extensive reflection on its own part in this abysmal affair.

How might this be done?

It is not correct to say that there is no Parliamentary interference with the judicial process. The Attorney-General has always had the power to discontinue a prosecution in the public interest – nolle prosequi – and, in exercising this power, is answerable to Parliament not the courts. It is true that this power is only exercised before a court judgement. After, the normal route is an appeal against conviction or, exceptionally, a pardon. But note one important fact about these options: in both, a crime has been committed. But it is decided that either the wrong person has been convicted or that, for reasons of public policy, even though they had committed it, the law was unjust (e.g. pardons of soldiers for cowardice in war-time or gay men for now lawful sexual behaviour). There was a crime though.

No prima facie case

Here, we cannot say this. This is not overturning convictions because the wrong people were convicted. But because there never was any crime. There never was any money missing. The alleged “missing” monies were figures plucked out of Horizon’s behind. If this had been known at the time, would there have been prosecutions? Could there properly have been any? Wouldn’t the A-G have issued a nolle prosequi order, if the prosecutions had not been halted by the Post Office? In effect, what is being proposed now is a retrospective nolle prosequi, a finding that the prosecutions were, as the Court of Appeal has already ruled, an affront to the conscience of the court. They should never have happened because there never were any crimes to be prosecuted (as some of the Post Office’s own documents revealed to the Williams Inquiry now show). As for those prosecuted on non-Horizon evidence, based on what the Inquiry has uncovered about the conduct of Post Office investigative/prosecuting staff, no reliance can be placed on any of their work.

Why this option?

For years the criminal justice system has been underfunded. Plenty have warned of the consequences; these have been dismissed as special pleading, alarmist or unimportant. The CCRC was seen as so unimportant that it has a part-time Chair with eight other jobs, including Head of the Judicial Appointments Commission (the CCRC’s conflicts of interest policy having been lost in the post, presumably). It is why, when the Andy Malkinson case – itself one of the most serious miscarriages of justice of recent times, involving as it does, the conduct and professionalism of the CCRC itself – hit the news last summer, we were treated to the spectacle of its Chair promoting her holiday home business in Montenegro.

We see the result of this under-resourcing now: an inability to follow normal processes in a timely way; unpalatable options.

Why the rush to act? Why – because of the endless delays and denials by government and its wholly owned entity, the Post Office, only finally shamed into action by a TV drama and the consequent public outrage.

Underinvestment, a lack of professionalism, denial and delays. There are some lessons in there for governments. And the legal world. Perhaps they might heed them this time. Perhaps.

Photo by Tingey Injury Law Firm on Unsplash

January 4 2024

In episode 1 of Mr Bates vs The Post Office, there is a scene in which Alan Bates’ wife tells him she has a job.

“Teaching?” he replies.

“No. Cleaning houses.”

They need the money to make ends meet. They have lost their savings and business.

He gives her a look – of love, gratitude & a hint of humiliation at what they’ve been reduced to and then – quietly but with determination – he says:

“I’ll get those bastards.”

It is a wonderful piece of writing and sublime, subtle acting, especially by Toby Jones. It captures both the humiliation inflicted on innocent people by the powerful and the former’s determination not to be ground down. It is about the subpostmasters. But like all good drama, including that based on real life, it shows something universal.

Those sentiments have been echoed before. They will, I am sorry to say, be repeated in the future. Because abuse of power is hard to eradicate. The powerful have no interest in doing so; the powerless find it hard to do so.

This abuse of power by the state or its organs has happened so many times before. This story about the Post Office is not an appalling one-off. It is only the latest of a series of scandals going back at least 60 years.

In so many ways, the misbehaviours exhibited by the Post Office are similar to those exhibited by the Coal Board in the Aberfan tragedy, by the police in Hillsborough, by the government in the blood contamination scandal and Windrush, by the NHS in numerous medical scandals, and in many others.

See https://www.cyclefree.co.uk/the-price-of-indifference/.

The substance may be different but the misbehaviours by the powerful are so very similar:

– the refusal to listen to concerns
– the lies and cover ups
– the stingy callous approach to apologies and compensation
– the refusal to accept responsibility
– the avoidance of accountability.

There are two behaviours above all which are repeated. The first is the arrogance of indispensability.

It is this which leads to the abuse of power which lies at the heart of the actions taken. The Post Office’s conduct over nearly two decades might best be described as a rampage of extortion with menaces, based on lies.

It is enabled by those who allow such organisations to behave as if they are unchallengeable. As if they are “Too Big To Fail” or “Too Important To Fail“.

It is abetted by such organisations being put by voters on a pedestal of some kind or trusted too blindly: the Post Office as a twinkly, trusted “Postman Pat-At-The-Heart-of-The-Community” who could not possibly do any wrong. Or the NHS. Or the police – who have often confused the vital importance of policing as a function with the importance themselves as an institution so making it much harder to challenge bad policing.

In this, these organisations have echoed the stance taken by much of the City in its pre-financial crash glory days, when it gave the impression that it was so lucrative and therefore indispensable that it could do whatever it wanted with little real regard for the rules. It was an attitude enabled by politicians so delighted at the large tax revenues that they ignored the dangers of the overmighty barons of that time.

And the second?

It is an indifference to ordinary people, to the human consequences of misbehaviour, to the impact on others.

This quote from the above article explains so much about the Post Office’s and government’s obduracy about putting this right.

“There is the indifference which can be one of the causes of a problem. But what is often worse is the indifference shown to victims after problems have arisen. It is hard to understand the callousness of some decisions. Perhaps it is made easier by forgetting or ignoring those who are affected.

It feels like indifference to those on the receiving end. But perhaps its impulse is less the effect on the victims but more a desire to save face by those responsible……

It harms an institution’s self-image and, often, of senior people within it. “We got it wrong.” is hard to say. If “we get it wrong” what sort of a “we” are we, really?”Avoiding the shame of having to admit that your actions or inactions have been responsible for the suffering of others is what drives this defensiveness and indifference.”

• You see this in the evidence given by Post Office staff in the Williams Inquiry.
• You see it in the evidence given by the Post Office’s internal and external lawyers.
• You see it in the response at Board level, which also manages to suggest that criticisms of its staff are somehow unacceptable and unfair and unkind, as if they were the true victims. The combination of arrogance and narcissism must be hard to bear for those who really have suffered.
• You see it in the response by the government. It gives the impression of being a random passer-by at the scene of accident caused by complete strangers ineffectually using a hankie to mop up blood and expecting huge thanks. In reality, it is the owner and funder of the Post Office and without its say-so and money the Post Office would cease to exist overnight.

What you also see in those other cases is how those responsible for harm done to others got away with it, were not made accountable, suffered no adverse consequences.

We are seeing that in this case too. Look at all the senior people in the period between 2000 – 2012 (when Paula Vennells was appointed CEO) when prosecutions were happening despite the knowledge that senior people in the Post Office, Fujitsu and government knew about Horizon’s difficulties and deficiencies. Look at how they have flourished in well paid jobs with their time in charge of an organisation at the heart of the worst miscarriage of justice in English history airbrushed away or ignored.

It feels as if this is more of the same: the powerful abusing the powerless. Because they can. Because they know they are untouchable. Because even if disciplinary or civil or criminal proceedings are brought, those Post Office prosecutors, investigators and lawyers, external lawyers and Fujitsu employees and others will benefit from the protections and rights and compliance with the rules and a fair trial which the Post Office denied the subpostmasters. We know why they should get those protections. But to those who have suffered as a result of their actions, it must feel like yet another unfairness to be added to those they’ve already endured, another example of how the powerful benefit at the expense of the powerless.

Will those who did wrong be held to account this time?

What about those others who set up the structures or took decisions or made laws which enabled this scandal to happen: the Ministers, the civil servants, the Law Commission, the MPs?

What sort of accountability should they face?